Research - College Students and Sexual Pleasure

INTRO

A part of our project was doing our own sociological research at Clark University. We created a short survey to measure responses quantitatively and used convenience sampling in recruiting our participants. A link of the study and recruitment information were posted on Clark University groups on a social media service. The study was inspired by a similar study looking at determinants of sexual enjoyment and an article assessing the gender inequality in hook up culture. Receiving oral sex, a skilled partner and intimacy between partners helped women achieve orgasms more often (446, 448, 453). However, our current culture of hooking up is inequal, women are much more likely to give than to receive oral sex. They also have difficulty communicating their desires to partners in short term relationships. 

DATA

Our sample consisted of 79 participants: 73% women, 26% men, 1% transgender and 1% gender queer.

Most participants identified as heterosexual: 81% straight, 8% gay and lesbian, 8% bisexual, 2% pansexual, 1% queer.

88% engaged in sexual activities (oral, vaginal, anal, digital), 91% of those who are sexually active also engaged in sexual activities while in college

51% have been in long term relationships and 50% have been in short term relationships

In long term relationships: 63% experienced orgasms frequently, 100% valued their partner's experience and 84% valued their own experience

In short term relationships: only 31% experienced orgasms frequently, 81% valued their partner's experience and 72% valued their own experience

BARRIERS

There were several limitations to our study. Firstly, we lacked a qualitative component that could have gone more in depth about the experiences college students have. We could have conducted interviews, but we believed subjects would be reluctant in openly talking about their experiences to researchers who went to the same school. Confidentiality could be maintained, but participants might not feel comfortable discussing a taboo subject in such detail.

Another issue was the female skew we saw in participants. Our study was not aimed at the experiences of women only, but rather wanted to compare results across genders, sexual identities and orientations. Having a heavily female sample can give us more distribution in the data on women, but it also limits us by keeping all other groups in small proportions.

The sampling may also reflect issues. Since sexuality is such a taboo subject in many societies, it would not be a surprise if several students decided not to participate due to the subject matter of the survey. This discourages participants from making their behaviors and attitudes known for study.

Designing the study also posed problems when we were collecting data. Not agreeing on what a word or phrase means can provide inaccurate results that do not reflect the true image of the population, in this case, Clark University students. Terms such as relationship (long and short term) had to be clearly defined in the study. Short term relationships were considered to be shorter than a month and included hook ups and one night stands, long term relationships were those lasting for more than 6 months. 

CONCLUSIONS

The most surprising discovery is that both male and female participants seems to care more about the experience of their partner than their own. This may be due to not wanting to seem inexperienced. 

The data show what we have expected. Women experience fewer orgasms and give more than they get compared to men. Long term relationships allow women and men to experience more orgasms, more communication, less judgement, more giving and receiving and an increased value attached to sexual enjoyment. 

References

Armstrong, EA.; England, P.; Fogarty, ACK. Accounting for women's orgasm and sexual enjoyment in college hookups and relationships. American Sociological Review, 77(3), 435-462. 2012 

In Hookups, Inequality Still Reigns (Well In Hookups Inequality Still Reigns Comments)

http://well.blogs.nytimes.com/2013/11/11/women-find-orgasms-elusive-in-hookups/?_r=0

Where do we learn about this?

A subject as rich as sexuality would surely be discussed in theory on gender. Students studying social sciences would surely come across chapter deconstructing the meaning of sex as a social behavior. It turns out that not so much, in fact. Our assigned texts did a fantastic job at showing gender in social institutions, however there is no topic dealing exclusively with human sexuality. The issue of the orgasm, male and female, is not tackled either although it stands at the center of our definition of sexual activity.

Mentions of sexuality are present in Kimmel's book in various sections, however there is no concentrated chapter looking into the matter. The Weitz reader has some chapters that almost touch upon the issue of female orgasm and sexual pleasure, however, the perspective of these articles is more specialized in looking at other issues in sexuality, such as breasts, the body, black femininity and sexuality and subcultures. 

The lack of information on female orgasms in the literature, in itself, seems to be a bigger statement that may emphasize that even scholars have a difficult time stepping out of ideology. 
It also raises questions about sexual education, especially in a country where sex ed is not always offered or is not medically accurate. The missing conversation on the topics of sexuality and sexual pleasure carries on the notion that sexual activity is centered around reproduction, reinforcing the male-dominated heteronormative views of society. 

References
Kimmel, Michael S. The Gendered Society. New York: Oxford University Press, 2010.
Weitz, Rose, and Samantha Kwan. The Politics of Women's Bodies: Sexuality, Appearance, and Behavior. 4th ed. New York: Oxford University Press, 2014.

Course Presentation

Below is the link to our course presentation. This is the collective work of all four authors, enrolled in Sociology of Gender at Clark University in Fall 2014.

Presentation link 

The presentation is public and viewable to the public.

Self Help Literature Review

This article is a review of various sexuality self help books available on campus for students at Clark University. These five titles have been selected based on subject matter. 

Sex matters for women

The book talks about orgasms, discussing the tyranny of the orgasm which is placing the orgasm at the center of human sexuality (Foley and Kope, 304). The book advocates for self-exploration and communication, assessing the benefits of embracing one's sexuality.

“Culture greatly influences sexual learning. Anthropologists [...] have noted that women coming from cultures encouraging sexual exploration and assertiveness experience orgasm more readily and with greater satisfaction than women coming from cultures that encourage modest, passive behavior” (306).

In regards to socialization the book makes an interesting remark when talking about women being too self-conscious to experience an orgasm. The authors suggest women can find it difficult to act outside of their gender. Their perceived and learned passivity might make them refrain from certain behaviors, such as moaning, because the lack of self-control associated with orgasms makes them step out of the imposed behavior for women (307).

Virgin sex for girls, a no-regrets guide to safe and healthy sex

Language is an essential part of cultures across the globe; messages based in language, as well as other forms of communication, carry specific cultural ideas. An interesting point this book makes in one chapter is in regards to our use of language - "since men have so many more phrases for masturbation, it’s obvious that male masturbation is seen as more important and acceptable in our culture for men” (Luadzers,156)

Phrases for women include self touching/loving/stimulation/pleasuring, paddling the pink canoe, rubbing off, combing the clit, vibrating off

Phrases for men include jacking/jerking/beating/getting off, choking the chicken, spanking the money, beat the meat, flog the hog, relieving yourself, yanking the plank, bobbing the dolphin and many others (155).

The book is advocating that women realize their sexual potentials; they are encouraged to explore, to talk to their partners and are told that their sexual pleasure is important and given advice on how to increase the frequency of their orgasms. The male counterpart of this book, the Virgin sex for boys guide also focuses the discussion surrounding orgasms on the (assumed female) partner's pleasure and difficulties in achieving it. This may be because the experts recognize the disproportionately low rates of orgasmic response in females and by drawing attention to this matter they are educating couples on how to overcome this inequality in sexual pleasure.

Hooking up, a girl’s all-out guide to sex&sexuality

The book contains several personal anecdotes which help with connecting the reader and writer and establishing patterns for common experiences with female sexuality in hookup culture, the current cultural trend in young adults. 

The author tackles the issue of gendered shame in regards to sexual self-exploration - “when I was younger, I thought that there was something very wrong about masturbating. Every time I did it, I felt guilty, dirty, and ashamed. [...] when all of my guy friends started talking about how they masturbated, I kept my mouth shut” (Madison,44). 

Madison also hints at the linguistic gap in vocabularies and gendered expressions. “As a girl, it can be hard to talk about masturbation, even though many guys talk about it all the time. Maybe it’s easier for guys to talk about because they have eight thousand cool nicknames for masturbating.” (45) The language differences are reflective of cultural and social normative assertions about male and female sexuality. The society is, as Madison, states reluctant to talk about female masturbation; it is a bigger taboo than male masturbation in our culture (45).

Our reluctance to talk about female masturbation influences our perception of the process. Madison notes that our heteronormative ideas about sex make us believe female masturbation mimics penetrative intercourse (46).

Paradoxically, although female orgasms and masturbation are not socially acceptable, women are still expected to have or fake an orgasm. Most girls do not tell their partners they don't have orgasms because they fear that their partner will be frustrated and made to feel as a bad lover (46).

The good girl's guide to bad girl sex

The book begins with an anecdote of a young girl who is forced to display passive sexuality due to her gender "Do you want boys to think that you're loose? That you're cheap?" (Keesling, 5-6). However, the author proposes the model of the "bad girl", whose sexual pleasure is unbeatable "A fully evolved Bad Girl can have an epic sexual encounter in ten minutes, whereas a woman stuck in her Good Girl can have intercourse for an hour and still be left feeling unfulfilled" (10). The reader would gather from this introduction that the capacity to achieve orgasm under any circumstance is a matter of behavior. This assertion can promote self advocacy for women, but it also places a strong emphasis on always experiencing sexual pleasure. Women having inconsistent sexual experiences may feel as failures if they cannot manage to turn into a "Bad Girl" who is in charge of her sexuality.

The Bad Girl is declared as intensely orgasmic by Keesling (13).

The book continues to put the emphasis of sexual pleasure on women's capacity and responsibility to achieve. A chapter discusses Kegel exercises and explains a few routines. The author concludes by expressing her appreciation of Kegel exercises as they have "helped non-orgasmic women become orgasmic" (41).

One last discussion is on climaxing. The chapter begins with another personal anecdote - of a sexually dissatisfied woman (153). The chapter features 10 exercises with full explanations to maximize the potential for sexual pleasure and orgasms (157). It is interesting to note that 7 of the exercises are for women to practice on themselves and 3 for women to practice on men so that men may achieve orgasm, however there are no exercises any responsibility in the hands of men.

S.E.X., The all-you-need-to-know progressive sexuality guide to get you through high school and college

This work is highly praised by critics for being so comprehensive. Reading the sections on the "popular mechanics" of various sex acts, I decided to compare the sections on cunnilingus and fellatio. Comparing the two sections reveals some gendered ideas assumed by the author.

Firstly, the section on cunnilingus is shorter than than on fellatio. The section on cunnilingus gives specific, objective advice of what most women prefers and techniques (156). The tone is neutral, the information is factual. The section of fellatio is longer, assumes a more familiar tone and language and seems directly addressed to the female reader. While the section on cunnilingus seems to encourage the act, the section of fellatio has a passage addressing the myth that all men love receiving oral sex most of all (157). This specific passage is trying to educate women in thinking of oral sex as a practice that can be enjoyed by any and all genders (157). It is interesting that this note was included in the section with a female audience, while the section with the male audience did not address the gender disparity in performing and receiving oral sex. The general impression of the two sections is that men are not accustomed by performing cunnilingus on women, but most women have performed fellatio.

Reference:

• Corinna, Heather. S.E.X.: The All-you-need-to-know Progressive Sexuality Guide to Get You through High School and College. New York: Marlowe, 2007.
• Foley, Sallie, and Sally A. Kope. Sex Matters for Women: A Complete Guide to Taking Care of Your Sexual Self. New York: Guilford Press, 2002.
• Keesling, Barbara. The Good Girl's Guide to Bad Girl Sex: An Indispensable Resource for Pleasure and Seduction. New York: M. Evans, 2001.
• Luadzers, Darcy. Virgin Sex for Girls: A No-regrets Guide to Safe and Healthy Sex. New York: Hatherleigh Press, 2006.
• Madison, Amber. Hooking Up: A Girl's All-out Guide to Sex & Sexuality. Amherst, N.Y.: Prometheus Books, 2006.

Social and Behavioral Constructions of Female Sexuality

This paper critiques some theories of sexuality that emerged in the second half of the 20th century.

KINSEY remains the most controversial and comprehensive source of information for female sexuality, however the authors note that male biases are present in the research (Miller and Fowlkes, 785). The issue with Kinsey's work is that it employs gendered double standards. While he is critical of the distinctions between female and male sexual activity which disproportionately inhibits "women's sexual activity outside of marriage", he does encourage coitus although it is significantly less frequently a source of orgasmic response for women (Miller and Fowlkes, 785). Although he acknowledges that penetrative sex is not that pleasurable for females, they are told to engage in it (both premarital and marital sex) to help the male reach his physiological response (785).

"A similar bias is revealed in Kinsey's interpretation of his finding that female sexual unresponsiveness is a major factor in women's premarital coital reluctance. A man, of course, may reach orgasm through coitus without doing much at all to arouse or stimulate response in his female partner. Rather than portraying men as the victims of women's unresponsiveness, it would be fairer to suggest that women may be victimized by men's self-interest and failure to show the consideration necessary to incorporate female orgasm into the coital experience." (785-6)

Another traditional bias he holds is stating that an orgasm cannot be the "sole criterion" for female pleasurable activity, as many women find satisfaction knowing their partner enjoyed the contact and that she "contributed to" his pleasure (786). This idea is very similar to the gynecology texts of the 1940s-1970s that maintained a male-oriented perspective with gendered biases in the field of female sexual and reproductive health.

Alfred Kinsey
http://static.businessinsider.com/image/5256ce91eab8ea6d5dbb7257/image.jpg

The works of MASTERS AND JOHNSON are also presented in this theoretical review. Their contribution to the field is highly significant because their laboratory tests helped recognize the clitoris as a vital part of the female sexual response (787). They described it as a "unique organ in the total of human anatomy. Its express purpose is to serve both as a receptor and transformer of sensual stimuli." (787). Therefore, the passive, sexually unresponsive, unorgasmic woman was equipped with a mechanism specialized solely on pleasure, while the man - the dominant gender in the equation of sexuality - was not. This discovery helped combat the myth of absolute female frigidity: women were not possessing a "lesser sexuality" (787). Moreover, their tests revealed the autonomy of female sexuality, women were experiencing a higher frequency of orgasmic response through "self-regulated mechanical or automanipulative technique" (787). However, the researchers are criticized for insisting that orgasms are the sole meaningful conclusion of a sexual contact, they fail to recognize the cultural importance of other behaviors expressing commitment and intimacy between partners (789).

The introduction of sexuality to the field of sociology would not have been possible without the work of GAGNON AND SIMON. They presented a social interactionist perspective on human sexual behavior which combats the narrow views of Kinsey, Masters and Johnson (789). According to Gagnon and Simon, sexual behavior is a subtype of social behavior and must be analyzed as such; they conclude that this behavior is learned (789). The degree of sexuality can be assessed by consulting the meaning assigned to behaviors "by the actors involved" (789). However, even their work has major setbacks, reflecting a male bias. Their view of adult sexuality emphasizing marriage is considered "limited in scope and shallow in content", not accounting for the inclusion of diversity of sexual expression (790).

Conclusions

The authors conclude by assessing the overall field of sexuality. They believe that a paradigm for female sexuality studies has yet to emerge, but that the studies presented and critiqued have created significant progress despite their limitations (800). The emerging literature helped dispel Freudian ideas about sexual development and reinforced the legitimacy of sexuality as a field of study (800).

References

Patricia Y. Miller and Martha R. Fowlkes, "Social and Behavioral Constructions of Female Sexuality"Vol. 5, No. 4, Women: Sex and Sexuality (pp. 783-800), Summer, 1980

Ideology, Sociology, Sexuality

Reiss's paper analyzes the origin and relation of certain ideas concerning sexuality.

Firstly, he discusses biological differences, based on hormones and states that androgen is related to aggressiveness and sexual motivation and is more present in males than females (Reiss, 273). While the average male has more androgen, there are many differences within sex categories. Also, learning behaviors can alter our hormonal tendencies, showing that in this case nurture wins over nature (Reiss, 273).

Discussing normative behavior, the author analyzes a series of cultural phenomena present in our society.

http://www.joshreads.com/images/09/11/i091123shoe.gif

He chooses to start his discussion with the issue of premature ejaculation, noting that our construction of the word references the female orgasm as the central one since the male ejaculation is said to be achieved before this culturally imposed standard (Reiss, 276). The author notes that some South African, male-dominated societies do not have this concept of premature ejaculation. Further on, he asks why the typical response from therapists for men who encountered premature ejaculation isn't to tell them to "bring the female to orgasm orally or manually"(Reiss, 276). He suggests that our current sexual ideology focuses on penetrative, heterosexual intercourse that reinforces traditional sexuality .(Reiss, 276). According to him, our culture is aimed at promoting the male orgasm more than the female orgasm (Reiss, 276). The man is the one who directs the sexual encounters, who initiates, who decides within our cultural sex ideology (Reiss, 276). These hegemonic ideas pressure our bodies, behaviors and attitudes into conforming roles (Reiss, 278).

Our sexual history maintains the myth of absolute virginity, especially during the Puritan period, however, data shows that the a large number of people, men and women, engaged in premarital sex

(Reiss, 278). Male nonvirginity is rarely celebrated and in almost all known cultures most of the males reaching the age of physical maturity are not virgins (Reiss, 278). This has been influenced by men's position of authority in society. Their access to power allowed them to define a sexual code at their advantage, with cultural practices and beliefs enforced by socialization and enculturation. 

In the conclusion of his article, Reiss talks about the clash of two opposing ideologies in 1980s American society. Traditional Romantic ideology, emphasizing female sexual subservience and inferiority, is opposing the Modern-Naturalistic view that embraces gender equality and values sexual experiences of both men and women in various expressions (Reiss, 280). He notes that while tolerance and equality in sex were increasing, this ideology of acceptance and equality was not in a dominant position in society, hence unable to change the status quo (Reiss, 281).

Reference: 

Ira L. Reiss, "Some Observations on Ideology and Sexuality in America" Journal of Marriage and Family, Vol. 43, No. 2 (pp. 271-283), May, 1981

Women in Gynecology Textbooks

The Scully and Bart piece published in 1973 analyses 27 gynecology texts written from 1943 to 1972 by looking at the viewpoint presented. The scholars conclude that the literature remains oriented towards maintaining the male-dominated, traditional views of sexuality despite the revolutionary findings of Kinsey, Masters and Johnson (Scully and Bart, 1048). Overall, ideas of the centrality of motherhood in women's lives persists, while men as defined by their active sexual responses and desires.

The authors note that "one's perspectives are constrained by one's place in the social structure and thus gynecologists may not adequately represent the interests of the group they are supposed to attend and advocate" (Scully and Bart, 1045). An overwhelming majority of male practitioners would mean that the field lacks a female perspective on what is a female health issue.  Considering that 40 years ago, when this article was published, over 90% of gynecologists were male, it is not hard to imagine that their academic writings on the subject reflected their male perspectives and portrayed female sexuality in a way that maintained traditional sex-role stereotypes (Scully and Bart, 1045). 

MOTHERHOOD
Gynecology texts from 1943 to 1972 revolve around the idea that women as "anatomically destined to reproduce, nurture" (Scully and Bart, 1045). One text refers to the experience of motherhood as an "urge" (Scully and Bart, 1046). This biological explanation is used to define the role of females in a very strict way which does not allow for possible deviant behaviors and attitudes. In the medical literature, the natural inclination for motherhood is balanced by sexual pleasure, considered "entirely secondary or even absent" (Scully and Bart, 1046). In other words, the automatic, biological female response is seeking motherhood, while sexual response is not important or present as women as frigid.

FRIGIDITY
The texts dating from this period assume that women are "almost universally generally frigid" (Scully and Bart, 1046). Their role in sexual health is defined as constricted to motherhood, while men are defined as active and pursuing their sexual drives. This was done, in the case of women, by reporting that the vagina was the main erogenous zone, even after Kinsey debunked the myth of vaginal orgasms (Scully and Bart, 1047). The vagina was considered the "mature response", while the role of the clitoris was greatly diminished and linked to immaturity and frigidity (Scully and Bart, 1047). This generalized female sexual unresponsiveness, the passivity, was for some authors part of the core of the female personality (Scully and Bart, 1048). The construction of the myth of female frigidity was in opposition to the active male sex, who had an insatiable appetite for intercourse (Scully and Bart, 1046).

MALE SEXUAL DRIVE
These texts in a woman-oriented field claimed that women are biologically designed to keep their husbands happy, they are to at the control of their male counterparts (Scully and Bart, 1045). Sexually, women are frigid, unable to perceive or care about pleasure, but men have a much greater appetite and capacity for intercourse. So, their sexual contacts already have a paradoxical nature, however they were greatly encouraged. Gynecologists were told to suggest that patients, unresponsive in nature, should deceive their partners by using innocent simulation (Scully and Bart, 1046). Faking sexual interest or an orgasm was part of making your husband happy. 

"The frequency of intercourse depends entirely upon the male sex drive ... The bride should be advised to allow her husband's sex drive to set their pace and she should attempt to gear hers satisfactorily to his."(Scully and Bart, 1048).

This was advice given to young women in 1970, a time was less than 30% of women had premarital sex (CDC, 1991). Men were described in the literature as wanting to dominate and subjugate women(Scully and Bart, 1048). It means that the submissive behavior was natural, but for women it was also learned behavior, as a means of social control. The norm was that women had to adapt to the male response their husbands exhibited or else there was a "real [medical] problem" (Scully and Bart, 1048).

INTENTIONAL SELECTIVITY
The article notes the rigidity in textbooks along the studied decades. After Kinsey, Masters and Johnson made their discoveries in human sexuality, most textbooks cherry-picked the data to present their points of view. Result? Most books included some details pertaining to male sexuality, but failed to include any of the discoveries on female sexuality such as the myth of the vaginal orgasm or the existence of female multiple orgasms (Scully and Bart, 1047). This level of selectivity of results leads the authors to characterize the general tone of gynecology literature as having a male bias (Scully and Bart, 1048). The evidence does indeed point to severe opposition to change in mentalities concerning human sexuality. Women's sexuality is barely researched and discussed, although the lack of knowledge can be detrimental for public health. 

FOREVER MALE FIELD?
The article dates back from 1973 and we are seeing changes. While almost two thirds of ob-gyn doctors are male, the majority of those training are women.The increased supply of female doctors can benefit research and policy making by bringing a new perspective and patients can feel like their doctors can empathize with them. However, the current demand for ob-gyn doctors is skewed towards the female applicants, their male counterparts feel unwelcome in a job market that is searching for female doctors.  http://www.nytimes.com/2001/02/07/us/women-s-health-is-no-longer-a-man-s-world.html


RELATION TO ORGASMS
The literature has changed from the 1970s, but many of these deeply embedded beliefs have carried over to this generation, some have turned into other forms of controlling and underplaying female sexuality. Female orgasms are not discussed, are considered nonexistent, unimportant. The problem with medical literature that is not accurate is that is reinforces gendered social behaviors and attitudes, instead of objective results. Beliefs and stereotypes are heavily used used in social interactions, thus it is no surprise that these are some of the most popular ideas in regards to female orgasms we currently hold seem to stem back from a few generations ago  http://www.everydayhealth.com/sexual-health-pictures/dr-laura-berman-top-10-female-orgasm-myths.aspx#01



Reference:
Scully, Diana, and Pauline Bart. "A Funny Thing Happened on the Way to the Orifice: Women in Gynecology Textbooks." In American Journal of Sociology, 1045-1050. Jan. 1973 ed. Vol. 78. University of Chicago Press.
The Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, 

Current Trends Premarital Sexual Experience Among Adolescent Women -- United States, 1970-1988. 1991

 http://www.cdc.gov/mmwr/preview/mmwrhtml/00001869.htm

“Sexual Practices and Last Heterosexual Encounter and Occurrence of Orgasm in a National Survey”

     In heterosexual encounters, women are less likely to reach orgasm than men. This has long been seen as a problem in thesexological literature Much of the research on female difficulties with orgasm or with heterosexual sex in general has focused more on indirect causes, such as upbringing, attitudes, religion, marital adjustment, anxiety, previous traumatic experiences, or the woman's relationship with her father or other figures rather than proximal causes, such as the form of stimulation received. (217)

              

       The finding is in line with data from the Australian Study of Health and Relationships indicating that people who said they had sex often were more likely both to report their regular heterosexual relationship as extremely emotionally satisfying and to find the sex in their relationship extremely physically pleasurable.Satisfaction was directly connected to sxual assertiveness, frequent sex, using many techniques in sexual encounters, and orgasm. For women, it was also connected to  young age, and for men, considering sexuality important in life, reciprocal love, and using sex materials. (218)

      For men, the likelihood of orgasm was not strongly influenced by the number of sexual practices, probably because of the high proportion of men having orgasms from a single practice, usually vaginal intercourse. For women, the results were different and suggested that it is only when practices such as oral and manual stimulation are added to vaginal intercourse that women become more likely to have an orgasm. (220)This suggests that women may be more likely to count activities as sex when they do not include intercourse, though such a suggestion is not supported by other research.(222)The heavy concentration on a few of the many possible combinations of the six practices we did ask about suggests that a fairly limited “script” for sex is well-established. (223)

Demographic and relationship characteristics were associated with orgasm, but the differences were not as dramatic as the associations with gender and with sexual practice. The associations between orgasm and demographic characteristics suggest a social class effect, with better-educated, non-immigrant women more likely to have orgasms. (224)

       Although women were more likely to reach orgasm when the encounter included manual and oral sex, their orgasms did not necessarily occur during these practices.(224)One possible explanation of the discrepancy between male and femal experience of orgasmin in partnered encounters is that men want sex more often than women, with the result that in established couples, some of the sexual interactions are what women popularly call “mercy fucks” or “freebies”.(224)

It is hard to escape the conclusion that when men is keen to have sex but the woman is not, intercourse ensues and the man reaches orgasm, but when the women is keen but the men is not, sex rarely happens.(224 - 225)Another possible explanation for the discrepancy between male and female experience of orgasm in partnered encounters is that women are intrinsically less keen on sex than men and/or less physiologically capable of reaching orgasm.(225)Manual and oral sex provide the direct stimulation for many women that makes orgasm more likely, though still less likely than for men.All of these comparisons make the naive assumption that orgasms are qualitatively all the same and can simply be counted, and that more is better.Considerable effort has been expended on the “sex problem” of women: they appear to be less interested in sex than men, they report more problems, and they are less likely to reach orgasm in partnered sex. (225)

       The proximal cause - the sexual stimulation delivered to women in the typical, rigidly-scripted heterosexual interaction- has more to do with whether they reach orgasm( as we suspect, enjoy sex) than with more obscure and distant causes. Most demographic and sexual history variables, apart from young age and non-English-speaking background, were comparatively weakly associated with orgasm. It is likely than insofar as such factors affect the likelihood of orgasm, they do so partly or even largely through the mechanism of sexual practices.(225)

History of the Female Orgasm: Part 5: Looking to the Future

   Today, I'm finishing my summary and review of Rachel P. Maines' book, The Technology of Orgasm. In her last chapter, which is fairly short, only a little over twenty pages, she looks at more contemporary discussions about orgasm, and looks toward the future.


In doing so, she returns to her original idea about the androcentric model in heterosexual relations- that "real sex" is vaginal penetration, male erection, and then male orgasm, and nothing else (116). She talks about how it's only in the 60s that we began even questioning that model, and even as she wrote this, in the 90s, women who admitted to needing clitoral stimulation were still pathologized, and seen as asking too much of their men, inconveniencing them and making their sexual experience less fun because they couldn't "relax" (112, 113, 115).

 And pressure was- and is- put on women to fake orgasms, in order to make sure their husband didn't feel badly, with seventy percent of women admitting to faking orgasms regularly, rather than to try to explain to their husbands that they needed other stimulation (117-118). It was to the point that faking orgasm was seen as a "common courtesy" for women to do (119). On the other hand, men are expected by society to be automatically sexually talented, which obviously is a lot of pressure, but it also hurts women, in that men therefore often don't actually want to know the truth about whether their girlfriends are enjoying sex, and therefore don't ask, because they don't want to know, or don't question when it appears that maybe an orgasm wasn't "real" (117). It also results in men blaming women for not orgasming, for insisting that there's something wrong with her, not with his method (117).

She also brings up the vibrator again, and discusses the way that though many women do like it, it's also more or less the only socially acceptable means of masturbation for women, and she doesn't think that's unrelated to the way that it's seen as really only a substitute for a penis, or even "the imagined male accompanying every dildo" in the eyes of many men (122).


Men's sexual needs, and egos,  were still clearly elevated above women's, and Maines wants us to ask ourselves why we think that is- it may be clear, given the history she covered in the rest of the book, why this androcentric model would be put forth, but she wants us to question why we actively participate in its maintenance now, through not being honest in our relationships, or faking orgasms.
She sees us at a point where we have a choice- maintain the model through silence, or talk to our partners, communicate, and address this issue.




I think this is a strong way to end, and in general I thought this was one of her better chapters in awhile. Overall, I think this book provided a lot of interesting and important information, and I only wish that it was less repetitive,  and as I've discussed at length in earlier posts, I wish there was greater effort to take into account women's emotional experiences, and emotion in general.

Trans Women and Orgasms

So far, the articles and chapters on women's orgasms that we've reviewed and summarized here have not made a point to take into account trans women's experiences, or acknowledge trans women at all.
Many people assume that trans women have the same experience with orgasm as cis men, but that's just simply not true. Trans women are socialized differently than cis men, have different hormone levels, are treated differently by sexual partners, and sometimes have different parts. In Julia Serano, PhD, 's best selling 2007 book, Whipping Girl: A Transsexual Women on Sexism and the Scapegoating of Femininity, she spends a chapter, entitled "Boygasms and Girlgasms: A Frank Discussion About Hormones and Gender Differences", discussing her experience with orgasm, and what other trans women have experienced with their orgasms. She doesn't claim to represent all trans women, and I do know trans women who have had different experiences than what Serano discusses here, all experiences she discusses are experiences she says she's heard from many trans women, and appear to be common (67).  She discusses these experiences within the book's larger argument, that both a biologically deterministic view of gender, and a socially constructionist view of gender, are overly simplistic and flawed. One of her  overall arguments, which I highly recommend reading (the book as a whole is super interesting, and discusses things mostly within a cultural and social context, and is less focused on her body, which can be rare given society's obsession with trans bodies), is that there are biological differences between men and women, mostly related to hormones, that socialization exaggerates (74).

      She starts off her chapter by stating that while yes, biological determinism is wrong, the backlash against biological determinism often overemphasizes socialization, and ignores the importance of hormones, though she stresses that hormones are not "on off switch", and that everyone has some of both, in varying levels, on a continuum (66). One of things she talks about, rather tongue-in-cheek,  is what hasn't changed since she started taking estrogen and androgen blockers. She cries as much as she used to (although she says her emotions are harder to ignore than they used to be), is still as rational, still has the same tastes in women, food, and culture, and has retained all her skills related to mathematics, science, and reading maps (68, 72).  Even before transition, she was never as competitive or aggressive as men were, and remained the same personality-wise after transition (73).
     When it comes to sex, however, the hormones changed not everything- her sexual orientation, for example, remained the same- but a lot of things. She reports a sharp decrease in sex drive, with her going from wanting sexual release at least once a day, to only desiring it a few times a week (70). The way she masturbated also changed. While she always preferred erotic stories and fantasies over pictures of naked bodies, the way many women do,  she used to prefer  "back and forth stroking action", but after she started hormones, and without having had surgery, she began to prefer vibrators (70).  With her wife and by herself, she noted that it took her longer to orgasm, but that when an orgasm finally happened, it was much more intense, and diffused throughout her entire body, in a way that pre-hormones orgasms didn't (71). The orgasms are also multiple, when they weren't before, starkly different from each other, when they used to be more or less the same, and are less dependent on anything visual (71).  After treatment with hormones, her orgasms and sexual experiences were the same, more or less, as a cis women's. Though Serano does not discuss this, I know trans women whose sexual experiences were like this pre-transition as well, which might complicate this slightly.
    What does this tell us about orgasm and gender more generally? Certainly that hormones have a lot to do with the physical mechanics of orgasm, much more so than, perhaps, the actual clitoris itself, or certainly anything vaginal. It also tells us about some of the major differences between orgasms that men have  (and non-transitioned women) and orgasms that women have (and non-transitioned men).

History of Orgasm: Part 4: Vibrator Technology

              I’m continuing my review and summary of Rachel P. Maines’ book, The Technology of Orgasm, for parts 1, 2, and 3 click here:
http://femgasmproject.blogspot.com/2014/11/history-of-technology-and-female-orgasm.html
http://femgasmproject.blogspot.com/2014/11/history-of-orgasm-part-2-hysteria.html
http://femgasmproject.blogspot.com/2014/11/history-of-orgasm-part-3-masturbation.html

This section, like the last one, was unfortunately rather disorganized and very repetitive- much of what was discussed in this section was discussed already in the first one. What’s so strange about this book, is that it’s a pretty short book for such a large topic, so you would think that each fact would only be said once in order to effectively use what little space she has, but instead it seems that the book could have been cut by about a third, and nothing substantive would have been lost. But there is some interesting information here about hydrotherapy, the beginnings of vibrator use by doctors, and the beginning of the use of vibrators in the home.

Hydrotherapy

Apparently an entire journal was devoted to the topic. 

     Bathing has always been associated with sensuality in Western culture, even dating as far back to the baths of Greece and Rome (72). Sick or not, throughout history, wealthy women especially visited “healing” mineral springs, and in the 1830s and 1840s hydrotherapy or “the water cure”, was a major medical fad (73). And of course, it’s use continued well into the second half of the nineteenth century (78). The “water cure”, a bit more aggressive than women simply laying in baths, involved pumping water into the vagina- apparently for any “female complaints”. (74). (I’ve discussed why responding to women’s  problems by “treating” the vagina is not exactly as wonderful as we might try to make it, in far harsher words, in other sections.) Apparently, most women did respond to hydrotherapy, according to Maines, with great enthusiasm, enjoying it immensely, which greatly confused doctors (74).  That women enjoyed these treatments even seemed to upset some doctors, who struggled for an explanation,  with some Freudians, even into the late 20^th century, suggesting that women orgasm from water simulation, because it allows them to pretend to be man, who is capable or urinating and ejaculating like a man (81). She notes that while masturbation with water was once common for women, and has been shown to especially pleasurable for many of us, studies in the 1990s showed that only 2% of women then used water at all, through shower heads or other means. It’s use has actually declined.

Vibrators

Moving out of the doctor's office and into the home. 

    Vibrators were first “medically” used (to treat “hysteria”), in 1878,  in Paris,  and most doctors were happy to switch over to them, due to their dislike of manual stimulation (68, 93). By 1900, dozens of models were available (93). They were, like hydrotherapy, used to treat all problems a women might have, much, I’m sure, to the detriment of many women whose problems stemmed from somewhere other than their vaginas, although Maines doesn’t discuss this (95). Doctors had a hard time, as discussed in previous sections, maintaining their reputation as professionals when it came to vibrators, as everyone from Freud to erotic movies to popular film, was discussing and depicting vibrators as inherently sexual, never mind that they were beginning to be sold to the average consumer (95, 100, 108). By 1908, they were on the shelves, although often with warnings to avoid “excessive use”, or “imprudence”, while at the same time, promoted as being “far superior to the human hand” (103). As we learned in previous sections, eventually this acknowledgement of women’s sexuality and the sexual nature of these “treatments”, stopped the use of the vibrator in medical offices. Soon enough, vibrators were seen as “self-treatment”, as ways for women to take their sexual pleasure into their own hands. (108).